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Exit, Stage ‘Left’ — How Brazil’s Worker’s Party invited impeachment

On 31st August, the ‘B’ in BRICS finally succumbed to a 14 year-long battle with opportunism. Following Lower House Speaker Jose Eduardo Cardozo’s annullment of its majority vote, head of Senate Renan Calheiros defiantly continued the impeachment process.

“Following a three day debate, a majority of 61 senators voted definitively to remove Rousseff from the presidency. 20 senators voted against; there were no abstentions,” Sputnik reported.

Responding to the impeachment, Rousseff dejectedly addressed her supporters. “The will of 61 senators has replaced that of 54,5 million people who voted for me,” Rousseff stated.

The bitter irony is that these ’54.5 million Brazilians’—many whom depend on former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s Borsa Familia conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes—could only watch as Brazilian Democratic Party Movement (PMDB) leader, Michel Temer, was officially sworn in on Sept. 1st.

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Shortly after receiving the news, three countries—Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia—recalled their embassies and denounced the new leadership. “Never will we condone these practices, which recall the darkest hours of our America,” Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa exclaimed.

Unsurprisingly, the United States, the godfather of colour revolutions, hurriedly expressed its solidarity with Temer. “[…] the Brazilian Senate in accordance with Brazil’s constitutional framework has voted to remove President Rousseff from office,” US State Department spokesperson John Kirby mentioned. “We’re confident that we will continue the strong bilateral relationship that exists between our two countries as the two largest democracies and economies in the hemisphere,” he continued in well-crafted Duckspeak.

Latin America’s far-right merely parroted the State Department. “[The] Argentine government expresses its respect for the institutional process [and] its willingness to continue on the path of a real and effective integration in the framework of absolute respect for Human rights, democratic institutions and International Law,” stated the Argentine Foreign Ministry in banal political jargon.

Latin America is no stranger to Western contortions of ‘human rights, democratic institutions, and international law’, where in November 2015, acting Argentinian President Mauricio Macri beta-tested Temer’s privatisation scheme after defeating leftist Daniel Scioli in elections, and like a despotic oncologist, followed up with a cocktail of media blackouts, budget cuts, privatisations and deepening ties to the US State Department to remove as many traces of Kirchnerismo as possible.

As expected, Pro-Rousseff demonstrators flooded the streets across the country. “The greatest act of civil disobedience took place in Sao Paulo, where protesters clashed with police on Avenida Paulista, in the downtown area; in Rio de Janeiro, where activists gathered in Cinelandia square; and in Brasilia, where activists rallied in the Praca dos Tres Poderes square,” RT mentioned.

Despite the public’s legitimate concerns, the Worker’s Party has squandered its ‘revolution’. Nevertheless, hindsight is 20-20, but Brazil’s future stands at 50-50, and the chagrin of Rousseff’s adamant supporters may not be enough reinstate her to power due to an uncomfortable truth: the Worker’s Party and its immature understanding of socialism was its primary shortcoming.

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